The Rising Tide of Grades: Understanding College Grade Inflation

In recent years, a concerning trend has emerged in education: grade inflation. This phenomenon, characterized by the awarding of higher grades for the same quality of work over time, is devaluing academic achievements and creating a distorted perception of learning. While it might seem like a boon for students, grade inflation has far-reaching consequences for individuals, educational institutions, and the workforce.

The Shift from Learning to Grades

The core purpose of education should be learning: acquiring knowledge, developing skills, understanding concepts, conducting research, appreciating culture, honing analytical abilities, and fostering inspiration. It's meant to enrich lives and cultivate informed, independent citizens. However, in the past decade and a half, the focus has shifted from genuine learning to grades and degrees as proxies for learning. This shift has fueled inflation in both, with grades rising while actual learning stagnates.

While degree inflation, where employers demand degrees for jobs that don't truly require them, is seeing some pushback, grade inflation continues its upward trajectory. A 2022 analysis by The Times revealed that grades in the Los Angeles Unified School District were increasing while standardized test scores were declining, indicating a significant disconnect between the two.

The Ubiquity of Grade Inflation

Grade inflation is not limited to specific schools or regions; it is omnipresent and particularly prevalent in affluent areas. Some school districts have even eliminated D and F grades to avoid discouraging students. Grade-point averages have consistently risen, even as scores on nationwide standardized exams like the SAT and National Assessment of Educational Progress have remained stagnant or declined.

While standardized tests are not perfect measures of excellence, the significant and consistent gaps between grades and test scores should raise concerns. This discrepancy is not exclusive to low-achieving students. A report by the National Center for Education Statistics found that while high school students are taking more credits, more challenging courses, and earning higher grades in math, their actual mastery of the material has decreased.

Pressures and Perspectives

Educators themselves acknowledge the issue. A 2023 poll revealed that nearly half of students argue for higher grades than they deserve, and 8 out of 10 teachers concede to these demands. This pressure stems, in part, from the fact that a significant percentage of students and parents harass teachers when they don't receive the desired grades.

The Detrimental Effects of Unearned Grades

Unearned grades have numerous detrimental effects. They skew the college admission process, as high school grade-point averages have become less reliable predictors of success in higher education. Consequently, selective schools are reinstating standardized tests like the SAT and ACT to obtain more objective measures of student ability.

Students who enter college with inflated grades may find themselves in remedial classes because they lack the necessary skills for college-level coursework. Employers have long lamented that high school and even college graduates lack fundamental skills required in the workforce.

Furthermore, pressure from the Education Department on colleges to improve graduation rates has inadvertently contributed to grade inflation at the postsecondary level. Some professors hesitate to grade accurately due to student evaluations, which tend to be more negative for instructors with rigorous grading standards. The prevalence of adjunct professors, who often lack job security, exacerbates this issue. Many students strategically select courses based on professors known for easy grading. However, a Brown University study demonstrated that students who take courses with more rigorous grading standards actually learn more.

The Societal Question: Intellectual Growth or Grade Grubbing?

Ultimately, society must decide whether it wants colleges to be places of intellectual growth or mere exercises in grade grubbing.

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While grade inflation may lead to higher graduation rates, the true value lies in what students have learned. Employers echo this sentiment, with a significant percentage expressing hesitation to hire recent college graduates due to their lack of preparedness and poor communication skills.

This situation contributes to an inflated sense of intelligence among the population, with a majority of Americans believing they are more intelligent than average. Parents are often misled into thinking their straight-A students are academic stars, only to be disappointed when they are rejected by selective universities. The reality is that, in many cases, A is for Average.

Understanding Grade Inflation: A Deeper Dive

Grade inflation, also referred to as grading leniency, involves the systematic awarding of higher grades for the same level of performance over time, ultimately diminishing the value of grades. It's important to note that simply having higher average grades does not automatically indicate grade inflation.

Grade inflation is a topic of frequent discussion in the context of education in the United States, as well as in relation to GCSEs and A levels in England and Wales. It's not a uniform phenomenon across all schools or even within different departments of the same institution. The subjective nature of grading makes it difficult to ensure equal grading practices across departments. However, many US school districts still offer honors courses and recognize valedictorians to allow high-achieving students to excel.

Grade inflation can be viewed as a specific example of a broader trend of ratings or reputation inflation, where individuals make rating decisions.

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Data from the ACT reveal a sharp acceleration in grade inflation in secondary schools since 2016, particularly during the COVID-19 restrictions. A majority of students taking the ACT report being labeled as "A" students by their high schools. Despite these seemingly impressive GPAs, average ACT scores have declined since 2012.

Historical data also supports the existence of grade inflation. Louis Goldman, a professor at Wichita State University, found an increase of 0.404 points in a survey of 134 colleges from 1965 to 1973. Harvey Mansfield, a professor at Harvard University, argues that even denying the existence of grade inflation at Harvard is evidence of the problem's severity.

Evidence and Data: The Rise of Grades

While early evidence of grade inflation in the US was anecdotal and sometimes contradictory, recent data provide compelling evidence of rising grades in American colleges, universities, and high schools.

A 2003 evaluation of grading practices in US colleges and universities revealed that grades have been rising at a rate of 0.15 per decade on a 4.0 scale since the 1960s. This study encompassed over 80 institutions with a combined enrollment of over 1,000,000 students. An annual national survey of college freshmen indicates that students are studying less in high school, yet an increasing number report earning high school grades of A− or better.

A 2021 study from the National Bureau of Economic Research found a significant decline in completion rates between 1970 and 1990, particularly among male students. While completion rates have improved since 1990, first-year students are no better prepared for college-level studies than their counterparts from 1990. Similarly, the quality of instruction provided by colleges has not improved since 1990.

Efforts to Combat Grade Inflation: The Princeton Example

In an attempt to address grade inflation, Princeton University implemented guidelines for grading distributions across departments in the autumn of 2004. These guidelines encouraged departments to re-evaluate and clarify their grading policies. The administration suggested that, on average, A-range grades should constitute 35% of grades in classroom work and 55% of grades in independent work, such as Senior Theses. Academic departments are responsible for enforcing these guidelines.

By 2009, the policy had successfully brought undergraduate grades within the targeted ranges. In the 2008-09 academic year, A grades (A+, A, A−) accounted for 39.7% of grades in undergraduate courses across the university, marking the first time A grades had fallen below 40% since the policy's approval.

Deflation rates varied by division, with the social sciences and natural sciences remaining relatively stable over the preceding four years. During that period, A grades ranged from 37.1 to 37.9% in the social sciences and from 35.1 to 35.9% in the natural sciences. The humanities and engineering experienced slower deflation, but saw significant movement in 2008-09, with A's accounting for 42.5% of grades in the humanities and 40.6% of grades in engineering, both down two percentage points compared to 2007-08.

In the period from fall 2006 through spring 2009, A's accounted for 40.1% of grades in undergraduate courses, down from 47.0% in 2001-04, the three years before the faculty adopted the policy.

Grade Inflation: A Historical Perspective

Grade inflation is not a new phenomenon. As early as 1894, a Harvard University report noted that "Grades A and B are sometimes given too readily-Grade A for work of not very high merit, and Grade B for work not far above mediocrity."

Harvey Mansfield, a Harvard graduate and professor, has been a vocal critic of grade inflation at his alma mater for many years. In 2013, he claimed to give students two grades: one for their transcript and one that reflects his assessment of their actual performance.

Institutional Responses: From Alabama to Berkeley

The University of Alabama has been cited as a recent example of grade inflation. In 2003, the university president responded to criticism by restricting access to grade distribution data from the Office of Institutional Research. The Alabama Scholars Organization and its newspaper, the Alabama Observer, had played a key role in exposing the situation and advocating for public accountability measures. The paper revealed that several departments awarded more than 50 percent "A"s in introductory courses, with one department, Women's Studies, handing out 90 percent "A"s (the vast majority of those being "A+").

In contrast, UC Berkeley has a reputation for rigorous grading policies. The UC Berkeley College of Engineering guidelines stipulate that no more than 17% of students in any given class may be awarded A grades, and that the class GPA should be in the range of 2.7 to 2.9 out of a maximum of 4.0 grade points. However, some departments may not adhere to these strict guidelines, as data from the UCB's Office of Student Research indicates that the average overall undergraduate GPA was about 3.25 in 2006.

Bucking the Trend: Saint Anselm College

Some institutions, like Saint Anselm College, a small liberal arts college in New Hampshire, have actively resisted grade inflation. At Saint Anselm, the top 25% of the class has a 3.1 GPA, and the median grade is around a 2.50 GPA. The college believes that inflating grades makes it harder for students to recognize their academic strengths and weaknesses and may encourage them to choose classes based on grade expectations rather than genuine interest. To address this issue, Saint Anselm established a curriculum committee in 1980 to review grading policies on a monthly basis.

Other Institutions Known for Rigorous Grading

Other colleges known for their rigorous grading practices include Caltech, MIT, Harvey Mudd College, Washington and Lee University, University of Rochester, Middlebury College, The College of William and Mary, Fordham University, Swarthmore College, Bates College, Cornell University, the University of Chicago, and Boston University. However, data suggest that even these institutions have experienced some degree of grade inflation over time.

To provide context for its graduates' transcripts, Reed College includes a card that reports the average GPA for all students. In 2013-14, the average GPA was 3.15 on a 4.00 scale, an increase of less than 0.2 of a grade point in the past 30 years.

Wellesley College implemented a maximum per-class grade cap of 3.33 in 2004, allowing professors to award a higher average grade with a written explanation.

Grade Inflation in Secondary Education: A Case Study in Pittsburgh

A 2009 article in the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette used the term "grade inflation" to describe a grading policy in the Pittsburgh School District that set 50% as the minimum score a student could receive on any assignment. A follow-up article indicated that the policy had been amended to award a grade of zero to students who refused to do the work, with the 50% minimum applying only to students who made a "good-faith effort." A staff representative from the Pittsburgh Federation of Teachers cited the negative impact on student behavior as the primary problem with the 50 percent minimum.

Grade Inflation in Canada: A Cross-Provincial Perspective

James Côté and Anton L. Allahar, sociology professors at the University of Western Ontario, conducted a study of grade inflation in Canada, focusing on the province of Ontario. Until the 1960s, Ontario's grading system was based on the British model, where no more than 5% of students received As and 30% received Bs. In the 1960s, average performers were C-students, and A-students were considered exceptional.

The abolition of province-wide exams led to student marks being assigned entirely by individual teachers. By 1983, 38% of students registering in universities had an average higher than 80%. This figure rose to 44% by 1992. According to the Council of Ontario Universities, 52.6% of high school graduates applying to Ontario universities in 1995 had an A average, increasing to 61% in 2004. The percentage of high school graduates reporting an A+ average rose from 9.4 percent in 1995 to over 15% in 2004.

A 2007 report by the Atlantic Institute for Market Studies examined grade inflation in Atlantic Canada. Mathematics scores in New Brunswick francophone high schools indicated that teacher-assigned marks were inflated compared to marks achieved on provincial exams. The average school marks were consistently higher than the average provincial exam marks. For school years 2001-2002 to 2003-2004, school marks in all 21 high schools were higher than provincial exam marks, with a provincial average of 73.7% for school marks and 60.1% for provincial exam marks.

The study defined grade inflation as the difference between teacher-assigned marks and provincial exam results. Higher grade inflation correlated with lower provincial exam results. École Marie-Gaëtane had the highest grade inflation at 24.7% and the lowest provincial exam average at 52.3%. In contrast, Polyvalente Louis-J-Robichaud, Polyvalente Mathieu-Martin, École Grande-Rivière, and Polyvalente Roland-Pépin had the lowest grade inflation, ranging from −0.7% to 9.3%, and were the top-performing schools on the grade 11 mathematics provincial exams. Similar results were found for Anglophone New Brunswick high schools and for Newfoundland and Labrador schools.

In 2008, the University of Victoria (UVic) and the University of British Columbia (UBC) reduced the number of Grade 12 provincial exams required for admission. Prior to 2008, students applying to UVic and UBC had to write 4 provincial exams, including Grade 12 English. This was reduced to requiring only the provincial exam for Grade 12 English. A UVic administrator stated that the change was intended to allow the university to better compete with central Canadian universities for students and prevent enrollment declines. A Vancouver high school principal criticized the change, arguing that it would make it difficult to detect grade inflation. The president of the University Presidents' Council of British Columbia also criticized the move, calling provincial exams "the great equalizer."

In the fall of 2009, Simon Fraser University (SFU) also reduced its requirements to passing only the English 12 provincial exam, aligning with UVic and UBC. Administrators cited the need to compete for students as the reason for the change.

As of 2007, 40% of Ontario high school graduates had A averages, eight times the number that would have been awarded under the traditional British system. In Alberta, just over 20% of high school graduates had A averages. This discrepancy may be due to Alberta's province-wide standardized Diploma exams in core subjects, which account for 30 percent of a student's grade.

The Core of the Problem: Devaluing Grades

Grade inflation occurs when average grades increase over time without a corresponding increase in academic achievement. When students receive higher grades without learning more, their grades are being inflated.

Concerns about the accuracy of grades are not new. In 1913, educational psychologist Guy Montrose Whipple described the "marking system" as "an absolutely uncalibrated instrument." Today, numerous studies demonstrate the rise in grades. Data from the ACT show that the composite score in 2021 was the lowest in a decade, yet ACT test-takers also recorded the highest average GPA ever. Since the beginning of the pandemic, even students at the 25th percentile of ACT performance have had GPAs above 3.0, meaning they received more A grades than Cs, Ds, and Fs combined.

The Consequences of Grade Inflation

Since grades have no inherent meaning, some argue that grade inflation is inconsequential. Some argue that cumulative GPA remains a good predictor of college success, while others suggest that grade inflation can be beneficial by making students feel good and encouraging them to continue their education.

However, these arguments ignore the long-term consequences of devaluing grades. While higher grades may feel good in the moment, the need for ever-higher grades to achieve the same feeling leads to "grade compression," where most GPAs fall within a narrow range.

The Impact on Parents and Students

College admissions officers are not the only stakeholders affected by grade inflation. Parents, especially in earlier grades, rely on grades to assess their children's academic progress. As grades have risen, the connection between parental perceptions of their children's achievement and actual academic achievement has weakened. Surveys show that most parents believe their children are earning mostly A's and B's, even during periods of significant learning loss.

This disconnect can lead to students studying and learning less due to decreased motivation and parental pressure. Studies have shown that students assigned to teachers who award relatively high grades learn less in the course and perform worse on subsequent assessments. Conversely, when students perceive a course as being graded more strictly, they report spending more time studying.

Grade Inflation and Educational Inequality

Grade inflation can exacerbate educational inequalities. If students in less affluent schools receive inflated grades that do not reflect their actual performance, they may not receive the necessary support and interventions to improve.

Addressing Grade Inflation: A Path Forward

While a return to lower average GPAs may not be realistic, steps can be taken to mitigate the negative effects of grade inflation.

1. External Checks on Grading Standards

Since grade inflation is often invisible, it is crucial to use external checks on grading standards. End-of-course exams are particularly valuable as they provide an objective measure of learning.

2. Utilizing Grading Information

Once grading standards are identified, the information must be used to inform instruction and support students.

3. Avoiding Inflammatory Grading Reforms

While reforming grading practices is important, it is crucial to avoid reforms that further contribute to grade inflation. Implementing rubrics, anonymous grading, and eliminating unnecessary extra credit are promising reforms that do not artificially inflate grades. These reforms contrast with more controversial practices, such as eliminating penalties for late work, arbitrarily assigning grades of 50 in place of zeros, and removing all deadlines.

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