Tiananmen Square Protests: A Cry for Reform

The Tiananmen Square protests, known in China as the June Fourth Incident, unfolded in Beijing from April 15 to June 4, 1989. Triggered by the death of Hu Yaobang, the ousted General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), these demonstrations evolved into a significant grassroots movement demanding political and economic reforms. The protests, initially a mourning of Hu Yaobang's death, soon transformed into a platform for students and citizens to voice their grievances against government corruption, restrictions on freedom of speech, and limitations on basic rights. This article delves into the multifaceted aspects of the Tiananmen Square protests, exploring the underlying causes, the demands of the students, the government's response, and the lasting impact of this pivotal event.

The Roots of Discontent

The Tiananmen Square protests emerged against a backdrop of rapid economic development and social change in post-Mao China. Deng Xiaoping's rise to power marked a shift away from ideological purity towards economic pragmatism. Deng proposed the idea of Boluan Fanzheng ("bringing order out of chaos") to correct the mistakes of the Cultural Revolution and launched the reform and opening up. His reforms aimed to decrease the state's role in the economy and gradually allow private production in agriculture and industry. While these reforms led to significant economic growth and increased exposure to foreign ideas, they also gave rise to a series of social problems, which included inflation, corruption, and limited opportunities for graduates in the new economy.

Economic Liberalization and Its Discontents

The economic liberalization policies, while successful in generating wealth, also created new anxieties and inequalities. The state-mandated pricing system was reformed, creating a two-tier system where some prices were fixed while others were allowed to fluctuate. This allowed people with powerful connections to buy goods at low prices and sell at market prices. News of the relaxation of price controls triggered waves of cash withdrawals, buying, and hoarding all over China. The government panicked and rescinded the price reforms in less than two weeks, but there was a pronounced impact for much longer. Inflation soared, leading to panic among salaried workers. Moreover, unprofitable state-owned enterprises were pressured to cut costs in the new market economy.

Intellectual Ferment and Political Restrictions

In 1978, reformist leaders had envisioned that intellectuals would play a leading role in guiding the country through reforms, but this did not happen as planned. On one hand, the massive New Enlightenment movement led by intellectuals promoted a variety of liberal philosophies and values that challenged the socialist ideology, ranging from democracy, humanism, universal values such as freedom and human rights, to Total Westernisation; in response, since the beginning of the reforms, Deng Xiaoping in 1979 proposed the Four Cardinal Principles to limit the political liberalisation. On the other hand, despite the opening of new universities and increased enrollment, the state-directed education system did not produce enough graduates to meet increased demand. The job market was especially limited for students specializing in social sciences and the humanities. Moreover, private companies no longer needed to accept students assigned to them by the state, and many high-paying jobs were offered based on nepotism and favoritism. Facing a dismal job market and limited chances of going abroad, intellectuals and students had a greater vested interest in political issues. Simultaneously, the party's nominally socialist ideology faced a legitimacy crisis as it gradually adopted capitalist practices. Private enterprise gave rise to profiteers who took advantage of lax regulations and who often flaunted their wealth in front of those who were less well off. Popular discontent was brewing over unfair wealth distribution. Greed, not skill, appeared to be the most crucial factor in success. There was widespread public disillusionment concerning the country's future.

The Death of Hu Yaobang

The catalyst for the Tiananmen Square protests was the death of Hu Yaobang on April 15, 1989. Hu, a reform pioneer and the General Secretary of the CCP, was ousted for his perceived failure to suppress earlier student demonstrations. His death provided the initial impetus for students to gather in large numbers. On university campuses, many posters appeared eulogizing Hu, calling for honouring Hu's legacy. Within days, most posters were about broader political issues, such as corruption, democracy, and freedom of the press.

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The Demands of the Students

Taking the opportunity to mourn for Hu Yaobang, university students in Beijing put forward a series of demands to the People's National Congress. These demands reflected their desire for greater political freedom, transparency, and accountability from the government. The demands included:

Freedom of the press: Students sought an end to censorship and greater freedom for journalists to report on issues of public concern.
Making public the financial accounts of China's leaders: This demand aimed to address the issue of corruption by increasing transparency and accountability among government officials.
More funds for education: Students called for increased investment in education to improve the quality of schools and universities.
Full explanation of the reasons for Mr. Hu's earlier dismissal and the clearing of his name: This demand reflected the students' belief that Hu Yaobang had been unfairly ousted for his reformist views.
Reassessment of the Anti-Bourgeois Liberalization Movement: Students sought a reversal of the crackdown on "bourgeois liberalism," which they saw as a threat to intellectual freedom.
Objective reportage on students' mourning for Hu's death: Students wanted the media to provide accurate and unbiased coverage of their activities.
The lifting of restrictions on street demonstrations in Beijing: This demand aimed to protect the right of citizens to peacefully express their views.

The Escalation of Protests

Following Hu Yaobang's death, small, spontaneous gatherings to mourn him began around the Monument to the People's Heroes at Tiananmen Square. On April 17, students at the China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) made a large wreath to commemorate Hu Yaobang. At 5 pm, 500 CUPL students reached the eastern gate of the Great Hall of the People, near Tiananmen Square, to mourn Hu. Starting on the night of 17 April, three thousand PKU students marched from the campus towards Tiananmen Square, and soon nearly a thousand students from Tsinghua joined. On the morning of 18 April, students remained in the square. Some gathered around the Monument to the People's Heroes, singing patriotic songs and listening to student organizers' impromptu speeches. Others gathered at the Great Hall. Meanwhile, a few thousand students gathered at Xinhua Gate, the entrance to Zhongnanhai, the seat of the party leadership, where they demanded dialogue with the administration.

The Formation of Student Organizations

On 21 April, students began organizing under the banners of formal organisations. On 23 April, in a meeting of around 40 students from 21 universities, the Beijing Students' Autonomous Federation (also known as the Union) was formed. It elected CUPL student Zhou Yongjun as chair. Wang Dan and Wu'erkaixi also emerged as leaders. The Union then called for a general classroom boycott at all Beijing universities.

Government Response and Growing Unrest

As the situation became more volatile nationally, Zhao Ziyang called numerous meetings of the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC). Premier Li Peng called upon Zhao to condemn protestors and recognize the need to take more serious action. Zhao dismissed Li's views. On 26 April, the party's official newspaper People's Daily issued a front-page editorial titled "It is necessary to take a clear-cut stand against disturbances". The language in the editorial effectively branded the student movement to be an anti-party, anti-government revolt. The article enraged students, who interpreted it as a direct indictment of the protests and its cause.

Ignoring government warnings of violent suppression of any mass demonstration, students from more than 40 universities began a march to Tiananmen on April 27. The students were joined by workers, intellectuals and civil servants, and by mid-May more than a million people filled the square. On May 20, the government formally declared martial law in Beijing, and troops and tanks were called in to disperse the dissidents. However, large numbers of students and citizens blocked the armyâs advance, and by May 23 government forces had pulled back to the outskirts of Beijing.

The Tiananmen Square Crackdown

On June 3, with negotiations to end the protests stalled and calls for democratic reforms escalating, the troops received orders from the Chinese government to reclaim Tiananmen at all costs. By the end of the next day, Chinese troops had forcibly cleared Tiananmen Square and Beijingâs streets, killing hundreds of demonstrators and arresting thousands of protesters and other suspected dissidents.

In the aftermath of the crackdown, the United States instituted economic and diplomatic sanctions for a time, and many other foreign governments criticized Chinaâs handling of the protesters. The Western media quickly labeled the events of June 3â4 a âmassacre.â The Chinese government arrested thousands of suspected dissidents; many of them received prison sentences of varying lengths of time, and a number were executed. However, several dissident leaders managed to escape from China and sought refuge in the West, notably Wuâer Kaixi. From the outset of the incident, the Chinese governmentâs official stance was to downplay its significance, labeling the protesters âcounterrevolutionariesâ and minimizing the extent of the militaryâs actions on June 3â4. The governmentâs count of those killed was 241 (including soldiers), with some 7,000 wounded; most other estimates have put the death toll much higher.

The Aftermath and Legacy

The Tiananmen Square crackdown had profound and lasting consequences, both domestically and internationally.

Domestic Repression and Censorship

In the aftermath of the protests, the Chinese government suppressed other protests around China, carried out mass arrests of protesters, strictly controlled coverage of the events in the domestic and foreign affiliated press, and demoted or purged officials it deemed sympathetic to the protests. The government also invested heavily into creating more effective police riot control units.

In the 36 years since the crackdown, all discussion of the incident has been heavily censored in China, as authorities have effectively attempted to erase it from history. The government has never accepted responsibility for the human rights violations during and after the military crackdown or held any perpetrator accountable. Commemorating the Tiananmen crackdown has long been forbidden in mainland China.

International Condemnation and Sanctions

The international community was outraged by the Tiananmen Square crackdown. Western countries imposed arm embargoes on China, and various Western media outlets labeled the crackdown a "massacre." The United States instituted economic and diplomatic sanctions for a time, and many other foreign governments criticized Chinaâs handling of the protesters.

The Enduring Fight for Freedom

Despite the authoritiesâ suppression of any activism related to the crackdown, people in Hong Kong, in mainland China, and across the world continue to fight for the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in China. The Tiananmen Square protests remain a symbol of the ongoing struggle for democracy and human rights in China.

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